By Bongiwe Tutu
Africa Day, celebrated on May 25, marks the annual recognition of Africa’s independence, freedom and liberation from imperialism. We mark the founding of the first union of African countries in the Organization of African Unity (OAU) on May 25, 1963. Today, this body is known as the African Union (AU) after being remodeled in 2002.
The first Conference of Independent African States convened on April 15, 1958 in Ghana where the freedom and independence of the continent was projected to “symbolize the determination of the People of Africa to free themselves from foreign domination and exploitation”. 64 years later, Africa is still evidently contending with foreign domination and exploitation among other challenges.
As we celebrate Africa Day, we need to reflect on whether we are living in the Africa We Want. Africa’s objectives toward this goal are captured in the African Union (AU) Agenda 2063: Africa’s blueprint and master plan for transforming Africa into the global powerhouse of the future. While the OAU focused on decolonization of African nations, the AU is focusing on Africa’s development to its economic, social, political, scientific and cultural sectors. The African Union Summit adopted Agenda 2063 and its First Ten Year Implementation Plan (FTYIP) in January and June 2015. Fulfilling this agenda is in line with the United Nation’s (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 2030. It is well noting that the AU’s Agenda 2063 predates the global Agenda 2030 SDGs adopted in September 2015, however, an agreement was later reached to align the implementation of the two agenda frameworks to meet the objectives of development, peace and security, and respect for human rights. There exists a knowledge gap in understanding and emphasis of these four objectives. Advancing this knowledge and understanding will enable the implementation of policies that foster an integrative process to empower Africa to achieve the goals outlined in the AU’s Agenda 2063 and the SDGs.
As the continent continues to engage with global players including the European Union (EU), China and the United States (US), it is necessary for it to address its own challenges in order to position itself as a strong partner in the global community. With the challenges of peace and security, development, and human rights, many countries in Africa remain crippled by bad governance systems and weak infrastructure, which retard economic development.
Poor governance
Governance is the most important factor that affects Africa’s potential to become a major player in global politics. Studies define governance simply as the exercise of political, economic and administrative authority to manage a county’s affairs. For this reason, corruption, mismanagement and lack of accountability constitute major impediments to the realization of good governance. Corruption also impedes economic, social, and political progress.
When resources are diverted from the development programmes of a nation to benefit the interests of a few, the development aspirations of local communities are impacted significantly. This leads to disenfranchisement, human rights abuses and creates conflicts that threaten peace and security, and fuel underdevelopment. As the issue of poor governance persists, several African countries remain dependent on foreign investments and markets, limiting their ability to address their socio-economic needs accordingly.
Mali, Somalia, and South Sudan
Mali, Somalia, South Sudan are examples of conflict-afflicted states that have failed to find integrated approaches to sustainable development. Governance in Mali has been threatened by terror attacks and lacks long-term vision on governance, worsened by inefficient state institutions, weak human rights protections, a leadership deficit and insecurity. Somalia has been in a state of protracted conflict and political instability for decades. While the challenges are prevalent, these countries also present an opportunity for advancement of their socio-economic structures by focusing on good governance. South Sudan presents a good case for combining national or local participation to overcome conflicts. Liberia, which went through a civil war from 1989 – 1996, can be used as a good case for peacebuilding after years of warfare, corruption and human rights violations.
The Sahel region
The Sahel region, which stretches from Mauritania to Eritrea, including Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal and Sudan, is faced with very difficult geographical conditions making the extremely vast territory hard to govern. The region struggles with conflict, terrorism, violent extremism, human and drug trafficking, irregular migration, food insecurity and vulnerability to climate change. Although regional and international efforts have been made, political will and accountable leadership is required to advance socio-economic development. These efforts include the UN Sahel Strategy 2011 (reviewed 2014), the Sahel Regional Action Plan 2015-2020 and the UN’s Sahel 2034 publication by the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA).
Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe has seen poor governance and political turmoil, which have crippled its economy and led to mass migration. The AU and (Southern African Development Community (SADC) are formulating a common position to lift the sanctions by Western countries on Zimbabwe. According to the Institute for Global Dialogue (IGD), the Strategic Framework on Zimbabwe will be made public in June 2022. Scholars have emphasized the importance of lifting of all sanctions on Zimbabwe, owing to their impact on the region. South Africa Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Naledi Pandor stated however that even though sanctions on Zimbabwe could be lifted, the (underlying) political and economic issues have to be addressed.
In a public dialogue on Charting a path towards a prosperous Zimbabwe: What role for South Africa and SADC, held on May 23 2022, independent foreign affairs journalist Peter Fabricius noted that sanctions are not the principal problem of Zimbabwe. Professor Brian Raftopoulos of the Solidarity Peace Trust/Ukuthula Trust added that Zimbabwe is under a resurgent authoritarianism, and sanctions did not cause the crisis in Zimbabwe, but aggravated it. Raftopoulos further argued that systematic dismantling of the opposition by the government is undemocratic. Adding to this view, Professor Anthoni van Nieuwkerk suggested that there needed to be a mobilization of civil society in Zimbabwe to advance democracy, peace and security in the region. Dr Philani Mthembu emphasized the need for a coordinated and synergized mechanism among stakeholders on the issue of sanctions in order to address Zimbabwe’s underlying issues of reform and governance.
Infrastructure development
Hand-in-hand with the need for good governance is infrastructure development, which is crucial for countries to be able to realize their full independence and agency. Several African nations are vulnerable to external pressures due to not having adequate infrastructure in place to leverage their geographic locations.
The transition to de-carbonization within the implementation of climate change policies has been discussed at length as it presents opportunities and challenges for some countries in Africa. Opportunities in de-carbonization exist for countries who are already in possession of mines and mining materials needed for the adoption of clean energy. These include the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Zimbabwe, and Zambia with their natural resources of cobalt, lithium and nickel. South Africa’s Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Limpopo, which was built around a coal power plan, is being transitioned into renewable energy with China investing in the plan.
The challenges of de-carbonization are apparent where nations lack good governance and are faced with infrastructure shortfalls that present a challenge for economic development. These countries have had to bear cutbacks and additional costs, as they are required to implement clean energy processes. Presently, Angola, the DRC and Nigeria are examples of countries challenged by governance and infrastructure burdens in the de-carbonization process, and as a result are unable to pursue full independence from foreign countries. Scholars have found that although the DRC has the inspiration to move up into value adding processes and produce its own batteries for electric cars, as opposed to merely exporting its natural resources, it is unable to achieve this objective due to its inadequate infrastructure and lack of reliable supply of electricity. In addition to the infrastructure bottleneck, poor governance also impedes the DRC.
In a recent interview, economist and research expert Christian-Geraud Neema reflected on what the energy transition means for Africa-China relations. According to him, China is putting in place the necessary laws and policies as demanded by climate change. However, if African countries do not practice good governance and advance their infrastructure development, they remain vulnerable. Capacity building is the first step to transforming Africa into a global powerhouse and becoming the Africa We Want.
Bongiwe Tutu is the Project Coordinator of the Africa-China Reporting Project at Wits University, Johannesburg. In April 2022, she successfully completed the training course, Designing and implementing policies that promote the nexus between peace, security and development to accelerate the implementation of the SDGs in Africa, facilitated by the African Institute for Economic Development and Planning (IDEP). As a writer and author, Bongiwe frequently contributes articles to Africa.com and the Mail & Guardian Thought Leader. She is currently completing a Master of Management in the field of Governance (Development and Economics) degree with the Wits School of Governance. She holds an Honours (Journalism and Media Studies) degree from Wits University, a Diploma in Political and International Studies and a Bachelor of Arts degree from Rhodes University.